How China's military is hit by biggest purge in decades
The campaign has reached the highest levels of PLA. Since 2022, an estimated 100 senior military officers have been removed, probed or placed under scrutiny
In a late-night announcement on June 26, Chinese authorities quietly removed 14 senior officials from their positions without providing any public explanation. Among those stripped of political status were a former provincial governor, the mayor of a major city, the country’s top financial regulator and six senior military officers.
Analysts say the announcement represents another chapter in an unprecedented campaign that has transformed the leadership of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) over the past four years. Since 2022, experts estimate that more than 100 senior military officers have either been removed, investigated or placed under disciplinary scrutiny.
The pace of the purge has accelerated dramatically since 2023. During this period alone, 42 senior military officers, including 19 full generals, have been dismissed, investigated or disappeared from public life. The campaign has reached every level of the PLA, from regional commanders to members of China’s highest military leadership.
One of the biggest targets has been the Central Military Commission (CMC), the powerful seven-member body that commands the Chinese armed forces. When Xi appointed the current CMC leadership in 2022, it was expected to remain largely intact until the next Communist Party Congress. Instead, only two of the original seven members remain—Xi himself and the official responsible for overseeing the military’s anti-corruption campaign.
The remaining members have either been removed, investigated or replaced, making it one of the largest shake-ups in the commission’s history. Perhaps the most dramatic example of the crackdown has been China’s elite Rocket Force, the military branch responsible for operating the country’s conventional and nuclear missile arsenal.
Beginning in 2023, the Rocket Force experienced a sweeping leadership overhaul after allegations of corruption and procurement irregularities. Its top commanders were removed, several senior officers disappeared from public view, and the force’s entire leadership structure was rebuilt.
China has also replaced its defence minister twice in less than two years. Former defence minister Li Shangfu disappeared from public life before being formally removed while his predecessor had also fallen from favour during Xi’s anti-corruption drive. The rapid turnover has raised concerns about institutional continuity inside China’s military establishment.
Officially, Beijing maintains that the campaign is aimed solely at eliminating corruption. Corruption has long been acknowledged as a serious problem within the PLA, particularly involving military procurement, promotions and construction contracts. However, many analysts claim that corruption investigations have increasingly become tools for enforcing political loyalty.
Earlier in 2026, when two of China’s highest-ranking military commanders came under investigation, the PLA’s official newspaper accused them not only of corruption but of failing to uphold the “absolute authority” of Communist Party chairman Xi.
Such language suggested that political loyalty—not simply financial misconduct—had become a central standard for survival within the military hierarchy. One of the most striking aspects of the purge is that many of those removed were personally promoted by Xi.
According to China watchers, of the 47 officers appointed to senior military positions after 2022, approximately 87 per cent have either been purged or are currently under investigation or suspicion. The figures suggest that even Xi’s carefully selected leadership team has failed to earn his lasting confidence.
Military analysts pointed out that for a leader who has spent more than a decade centralising authority and demanding absolute political loyalty, the repeated removal of his own appointees highlights growing distrust inside China’s governing system.
China watchers believe the campaign comes at a critical time for China’s military modernisation programme. Xi has repeatedly instructed the PLA to become capable of “fighting and winning wars” by 2027, a deadline widely viewed by international security analysts as a benchmark for achieving credible military readiness in a potential conflict over Taiwan.
However, the continuing investigations have disrupted command structures across multiple branches of the armed forces. Vacant leadership positions, inexperienced replacements and an atmosphere of political fear have complicated long-term military planning.
Military analysts also argue that officers may now prioritise political caution over operational effectiveness, slowing decision-making and reducing initiative throughout the chain of command. While the PLA continues to showcase advanced weapons and impressive military parades, critics argue that organisational instability could weaken combat effectiveness during any real conflict.
Observers note that senior Chinese officials rarely resign publicly or explain their departures. Instead, individuals often disappear from public view before brief official notices confirm their removal months later. Former foreign minister Qin Gang’s sudden disappearance in 2023 had become one of the most prominent examples of this pattern. Those under investigation frequently remain in prolonged political limbo while disciplinary authorities conduct closed-door inquiries.
As China approaches the next Communist Party Congress in 2027, political competition inside the party is expected to intensify. Factional rivalries may become more pronounced as officials seek to demonstrate loyalty while avoiding association with colleagues under investigation.
The ongoing military purge also reflects the challenges facing Xi’s highly centralised model of governance. Although the campaign has strengthened his direct control over key institutions, it has simultaneously exposed persistent instability within the very leadership structure he built.
In totality, more than 100 senior military officers have been investigated since 2022, 42 senior officers removed since 2023 and 19 full generals caught in the purge. Along with this, the near-complete replacement of China’s top military leadership together represents one of the most significant internal upheavals in the PLA in decades.
As Xi continues reshaping China’s armed forces, the question is no longer whether corruption exists inside the PLA. Instead, it is whether a military leadership repeatedly dismantled by its own commander can achieve the stability and readiness that Beijing says it needs for the challenges ahead.
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In a late-night announcement on June 26, Chinese authorities quietly removed 14 senior officials from their positions without providing any public explanation. Among those stripped of political status were a former provincial governor, the mayor of a major city, the country’s top financial regulator and six senior military officers.
Analysts say the announcement represents another chapter in an unprecedented campaign that has transformed the leadership of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) over the past four years. Since 2022, experts estimate that more than 100 senior military officers have either been removed, investigated or placed under disciplinary scrutiny.
The pace of the purge has accelerated dramatically since 2023. During this period alone, 42 senior military officers, including 19 full generals, have been dismissed, investigated or disappeared from public life. The campaign has reached every level of the PLA, from regional commanders to members of China’s highest military leadership.
One of the biggest targets has been the Central Military Commission (CMC), the powerful seven-member body that commands the Chinese armed forces. When Xi appointed the current CMC leadership in 2022, it was expected to remain largely intact until the next Communist Party Congress. Instead, only two of the original seven members remain—Xi himself and the official responsible for overseeing the military’s anti-corruption campaign.
The remaining members have either been removed, investigated or replaced, making it one of the largest shake-ups in the commission’s history. Perhaps the most dramatic example of the crackdown has been China’s elite Rocket Force, the military branch responsible for operating the country’s conventional and nuclear missile arsenal.
Beginning in 2023, the Rocket Force experienced a sweeping leadership overhaul after allegations of corruption and procurement irregularities. Its top commanders were removed, several senior officers disappeared from public view, and the force’s entire leadership structure was rebuilt.
China has also replaced its defence minister twice in less than two years. Former defence minister Li Shangfu disappeared from public life before being formally removed while his predecessor had also fallen from favour during Xi’s anti-corruption drive. The rapid turnover has raised concerns about institutional continuity inside China’s military establishment.
Officially, Beijing maintains that the campaign is aimed solely at eliminating corruption. Corruption has long been acknowledged as a serious problem within the PLA, particularly involving military procurement, promotions and construction contracts. However, many analysts claim that corruption investigations have increasingly become tools for enforcing political loyalty.
Earlier in 2026, when two of China’s highest-ranking military commanders came under investigation, the PLA’s official newspaper accused them not only of corruption but of failing to uphold the “absolute authority” of Communist Party chairman Xi.
Such language suggested that political loyalty—not simply financial misconduct—had become a central standard for survival within the military hierarchy. One of the most striking aspects of the purge is that many of those removed were personally promoted by Xi.
According to China watchers, of the 47 officers appointed to senior military positions after 2022, approximately 87 per cent have either been purged or are currently under investigation or suspicion. The figures suggest that even Xi’s carefully selected leadership team has failed to earn his lasting confidence.
Military analysts pointed out that for a leader who has spent more than a decade centralising authority and demanding absolute political loyalty, the repeated removal of his own appointees highlights growing distrust inside China’s governing system.
China watchers believe the campaign comes at a critical time for China’s military modernisation programme. Xi has repeatedly instructed the PLA to become capable of “fighting and winning wars” by 2027, a deadline widely viewed by international security analysts as a benchmark for achieving credible military readiness in a potential conflict over Taiwan.
However, the continuing investigations have disrupted command structures across multiple branches of the armed forces. Vacant leadership positions, inexperienced replacements and an atmosphere of political fear have complicated long-term military planning.
Military analysts also argue that officers may now prioritise political caution over operational effectiveness, slowing decision-making and reducing initiative throughout the chain of command. While the PLA continues to showcase advanced weapons and impressive military parades, critics argue that organisational instability could weaken combat effectiveness during any real conflict.
Observers note that senior Chinese officials rarely resign publicly or explain their departures. Instead, individuals often disappear from public view before brief official notices confirm their removal months later. Former foreign minister Qin Gang’s sudden disappearance in 2023 had become one of the most prominent examples of this pattern. Those under investigation frequently remain in prolonged political limbo while disciplinary authorities conduct closed-door inquiries.
As China approaches the next Communist Party Congress in 2027, political competition inside the party is expected to intensify. Factional rivalries may become more pronounced as officials seek to demonstrate loyalty while avoiding association with colleagues under investigation.
The ongoing military purge also reflects the challenges facing Xi’s highly centralised model of governance. Although the campaign has strengthened his direct control over key institutions, it has simultaneously exposed persistent instability within the very leadership structure he built.
In totality, more than 100 senior military officers have been investigated since 2022, 42 senior officers removed since 2023 and 19 full generals caught in the purge. Along with this, the near-complete replacement of China’s top military leadership together represents one of the most significant internal upheavals in the PLA in decades.
As Xi continues reshaping China’s armed forces, the question is no longer whether corruption exists inside the PLA. Instead, it is whether a military leadership repeatedly dismantled by its own commander can achieve the stability and readiness that Beijing says it needs for the challenges ahead.
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